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MSN Money - The hazards of some home-equity loans MSN Home Hotmail My MSN Sign In Money S earch MSN Money: Help Home News Banking Investing Planning Taxes My Money Portfolio Loans Insurance Banking Home My Accounts Bill Pay Mortgages/Loans Services Credit Reports Financial Tools Track your bills Resources Decision Centers Home Buying Guide Home Financing Your Credit Rating Financial Privacy Better Banking Credit Card Smarts Bankruptcy Guide Commentary Index Related Links Manage Debt More on Budgeting Print-friendly version Send this to a friend See where rates stand Calculate your debt burden here Find a home-equity loan Find books on home buying Find It! Article Index Finance Q&A Tools Index Site Map Don't get fooled by the "special programs" offer mentioned in advertisements. Today's homeowners have forgotten -- or never learned -- the lessons of their grandparents. Recent articles by Terry Savage: • How to limit divorce's financial sting , 1/5/2003 • 5 financial steps to help your aging parents , 1/5/2003 • Prepare for the unthinkable: long-term care , 1/5/2003 More... The Basics The hazards of some home-equity loans advertisement What looks like an easy way out of debt could one day put your family out on the street. Get the facts behind those enticing ads for 125% home-equity loans before you put your home on the line. By Terry Savage What looks like a great deal, but could turn out to be the most devastating financial decision of your life? It's when you consolidate credit-card debt by taking out home-equity loans for more than the value of your house, sometimes for up to 125% of the home's value. Unlike traditional home-equity loans that rely on the equity you've built up in your home, these loans aren't tax deductible and usually carry higher interest rates. Find a loan that's right for you at the Loan Center By television, direct mail and now by e-mail, lenders are pushing you to consolidate your credit-card debt by borrowing on your home. Here's the text of an actual e-mail I received recently: Consolidate Debt, Refinance Your Home or Put Cash In Your Pocket! We Have Special Programs with rates starting as low as 2.5% APR 7.22% Special Programs for Self-Employed Borrowers Previous Bankruptcies or Foreclosures OK!! Debt Consolidation - pay off high-interest debts and get the cash you need Second Mortgages - get 125% of your home's value. The television commercials make it look easy and enticing. A top athlete, like quarterback Dan Marino, offers you the chance to cut your monthly payments, pay off your credit cards and take out extra cash to remodel your kitchen or go on a vacation. But think twice. It's important to understand the risks, as well as the attraction, of those lower monthly payments. For some, this is the way to go For many people, a home-equity loan is indeed the smart way to borrow. The interest rate is typically lower, and the interest is tax deductible. Plus, home-equity loans are amortized over about 15 years vs. about four years for credit cards. That means the monthly payment on a home-equity loan is far lower than a minimum required credit-card payment. For example, if you owe $10,000 on your credit card at 15%, you'll probably have a monthly payment of $278. But the same amount owed at 15% on a home-equity loan that's amortized over 15 years results in a monthly payment of only $140. The more you owe, the more enticing a home-equity loan looks. At $20,000 in debt in the same scenario, the home-equity loan costs $280 a month, while the credit card and/or auto debt requires a $557 monthly payment. The trouble comes when people borrow all their home equity to pay off their debts, but they haven't learned how to manage their money well enough to avoid running up credit-card debts and auto-loan debts again. In fact, the lenders have a name for this process: It's called "reloading." Then, if the economy slows or one of the breadwinners loses a job, the next time you get into credit-card trouble, you could actually lose your house. Statistics from the Mortgage Bankers Association underscore the problem. The percentage of homes foreclosed in 1998 was 1.16%, about double the rate of the terrible recession years of the early 1980s, when 0.59% of homes were in foreclosure. The rising foreclosure rate comes even as bankruptcy rates remain high, with 1.2 million filings in 1999. But as people try to avoid bankruptcy, they're increasingly taking out home-equity loans to pay off their other bills. As a result of those home-equity loans (and new mortgage programs designed to help people buy homes with down payments of less than 5%), Americans have a lower percentage of equity in their homes than at any time in history. Essentially, an unsecured loan The real kicker comes if you borrow past the value of your home. Unlike home-equity loans, these loans usually are not considered tax deductible. The law says that all interest on a first mortgage (of up to $1 million) is deductible. And interest on up to $100,000 of a second mortgage or home-equity loan also is deductible. By law, interest on any part of a loan that exceeds 100% of the value of your home is not deductible. In addition, lenders typically charge higher rates, because you've essentially taken out an unsecured loan. An unsecured loan means there is no collateral in case you default on the loan. A mortgage for up to the value of your home is "secured" by the home itself. Many lenders charge interest rates seven or eight percentage points higher than traditional mortgages. In some cases, that's twice what you'd pay for a regular mortgage or home-equity loan. Don't get fooled by the "special programs" offer mentioned in advertisements like the one I mentioned earlier, either. They're either introductory loans, which require large "balloon payments" several years later, or adjustable rate loans in which the rates -- and the payments -- can increase every year. As long as the loan is repaid, it's very profitable. And the lenders know that paying off mortgage or home-equity loans takes a high priority in a consumer's mind, so the default rate is far lower than on unsecured credit-card lending. SMR Research, a financial industry market-research firm, reports that about 30% of all home-equity loans are sub-prime. That is, these are loans made to borrowers who are considered a poor credit risk -- the very people most likely to be caught in the crunch when the economy turns down. Bankruptcy: the only escape The greatest danger for those who fall for this pitch is the fact that they've put their home on the line. If they fail to make the payments, the lender can force the home to be sold in a foreclosure proceeding. The grantor of the original mortgage must be paid off first; then the home equity lender collects what's left from the sale price. And if there's not enough equity to repay the home equity lender, a default judgment will be entered against the borrower for the difference. The only escape is bankruptcy. The generation that went through the Great Depression of the 1930s learned the hard way not to borrow against the family home. So many people lost their homes that by 1935, banks categorized 20% of all mortgages as "real-estate owned" -- that is, foreclosed. But today's homeowners have forgotten -- or never learned -- the lessons of their grandparents. Rising home prices have tempted homeowners to count home equity as a source of ready cash. But that kind of home equity borrowing should only be done as part of an overall financial plan and a disciplined approach to money management. Otherwise, today's easy way out of debt could one day put your family out on the street. Editors' choice Don't get scammed by your mover Safeguard your Social Security number 5 ways to tap into the onshore drilling boom Your checkbook just became obsolete Turn $1 a day into $67,815 Readers' choice Ratings Top 5 Articles 9.30 Zombie debt collectors dig up your old mistakes 9.24 Keep thieves out of your bank account 9.22 Credit reports now free for entire U.S. 9.19 10 ways to avoid outrageous hospital overcharges 9.17 Tax breaks for Katrina victims -- and all of us View all top rated articles More Resources · E-mail us your comments on this article · Post on the Your Money message board · Get a daily dose of market news S earch MSN Money tips advertisement MSN Money's editorial goal is to provide a forum for personal finance and investment ideas. Our articles, columns, message board posts and other features should not be construed as investment advice, nor does their appearance imply an endorsement by Microsoft of any specific security or trading strategy. 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Real Estate Prices Still

Agricultural Economist Newsletter: Winter 2001--Farm Real Estate Prices Still Rising in Minnesota Farm Real Estate Prices Still Rising in Minnesota Steven J. Taff Average Minnesota farm real estate sales prices just keep on climbing (figure 1). This despite low output prices, rising input costs, and continued uncertainty about the future of federal subsidies. Sales price increases were seen in all parts of the state except in the northwest. In this annual sales price summary, I can provide only an overview, some cursory analysis, and--as always--a few opinions. I'll not bore you with text that simply repeats what's already shown in the charts. Instead I'll spend some time discussing how land transaction data are recorded, adjusted, and employed. I think it's useful to go through some administrative and procedural details to further our understanding of what these data are and what they are not. If this prospect makes you say, "Just show me the data, Steve," then you can stop right after the sales summary section. Or, if your impatience knows no bounds, go straight to the Minnesota Land Economics (MLE) Web site at http://apec.umn.edu/faculty/sjtaff/landdata/index.html and start working the numbers yourself. Farm Land Sales in 2000 Assessors are required to report initial assessments in late fall, based on sales data to date. That's why the data are reported on a "record year" basis: these are the sales that were, presumably, available for assessor scrutiny at the time the initial estimated market-values are calculated. Final values are set by summer, to be used in the succeeding tax year. So, for example, sales made in late 1999 are used by assessors to set initial values for January 2001. These estimates are adjusted in spring 2001, finalized in summer 2001, and then used for tax purposes in 2002. The adjusted record year 2000 sales data were therefore not available until April of this year. Figure 2 shows the distribution of all farmland sales in 2000. The bulk of the sales lie between $500 and $2,000 per acre. I excluded a small number of sales that exceeded $5,000 per acre as well as those involving parcels of land less than 20 acres in size. Both were excluded as not being plausibly "agricultural"--despite their designation on the Certificate of Real Estate Value (CRV) as "agricultural" land. (Although excluded from figure 2, these data are included in the MLE Web site data.) Even though MAE readers and MLE Web site users can view the full distribution of sales prices, most still ask for a single number that somehow captures the story behind the figures. Obviously, for a set of sales that span such a wide range in prices, any single number fails completely to accomplish this end. Movements in averages, while arithmetically correct, usually fail to tell the entire story. The particular average I use in this article is a location- and size-weighted mean (table 1). In last year's farm real estate report ( agecon.lib.umn.edu/mn/mae699.pdf ), I discussed the usefulness of such weighting as well as the desirability of examining sales data at the smallest geographic scale possible. Table 1. Minnesota farm real estate sales summary Record year Number of sales Acres sold Average price* 1996 2,504 263,728 936 1997 2,641 296,803 1,039 1998 2,724 303,968 1,113 1999 2,212 235,359 1,196 2000 2,258 250,979 1,222 * Location- and size-weighted per-acre mean Figure 1 compares the movements of actual sales price averages with those two other estimates of land value--the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) annual state estimates (based on a farmer opinion survey) and the average assessor estimates (the location- and size-weighted mean estimated market value). The University of Minnesota sales prices averages are location- and size-weighted means. The fact that all three (somewhat) independent estimates of farmland real estate values shown in figure 1 move in lockstep adds credence, I believe, to the conclusion that, on average, farmland values really are increasing in Minnesota. Geographic variations in real estate values for the past 11 years are shown in the box-and-whisker plots of figure 3. (District boundaries are shown in figure 4.) The range of sales prices for each district for each year is shown by the endpoints of the vertical lines. The ends of each box show the prices at which 25 percent of the sales were higher (or lower). The median is indicated by the horizontal bar within each box. So, for example, the median Central district farmland sale was about $1,200 per acre, with 25 percent of the sales lower than $750 and 75 percent lower than $1,850 per acre. In previous years' reports, I've noted the wide variation in average price movements among districts. Such differences were accentuated in 2000 by the continued climb of values in the South East district combined with the continued stagnation in the North West district (figure 5) . Farm Sale Data When a Minnesota property is sold, the transaction details must be recorded at the county courthouse on a form called a CRV. On it, the seller attests that such-and-such a property was sold to so-and-so on a certain date for a specific price. Other information about the property (its size, soil characteristics, prior year's estimated market value) is often entered on the CRV as well. Frequently, the per-acre prices that underlie this article and are also shown in the MLE Web site are not the prices entered on the CRV. Long before a land sales figure enters the official data base, it has been passed through an array of filters and adjustments designed to make comparison among transactions more meaningful and more reliable. Recording the Transactions There are many possible slips between an ownership change and data analysis. Of course, there is always the chance that simple recording errors are made. For example, numbers may be miscopied from bills of sale onto the CRV, or into a computer file, or into a spreadsheet. There is also a chance of misrepresentation. The person who fills in the CRV might have a reason to understate or overstate the actual sales price--perhaps to avoid a tax. This, of course, is illegal, but, as any courthouse veteran can tell you, it occasionally happens. Not every sale receives further processing. Local or state officials remove from subsequent analysis any sale not deemed "arms-length," because it was sold, for example, to a member of the seller's immediate family. Or, a sale might be pulled because the new buyer intends to convert the land to a non-agricultural use. Adjusting the Prices After this filtering, sales prices are frequently adjusted to make comparison among sales more appropriate. First, to expunge the effects of inflation, sales prices are deflated by an officially reported rate to January 2 of the year in which they were recorded. This "adjustment for time" is fairly minor in years (like the past decade) where inflation has been low. The second adjustment is "for terms." Not all farm real estate sales are for the full property. Some are made through a contract for deed, an arrangement that allows the buyer to pay a certain amount now and other amounts at stated intervals. Until the final payment is made, the property remains in the possession of the seller--even though it has been "sold." Because the full payment schedule is entered on the CRV, the Department of Revenue can calculate a present value of the initial and subsequent payments at an official discount rate. This becomes the official sales price of the property, regardless of what the buyer and seller had in mind when they sealed the deal. Adjustments don't end with a time- and terms-adjusted sales price, honestly reported and accurately recorded. In most cases, users of the data are interested in per-acre prices, not per-parcel prices. That means some chosen total price must be divided by some total acreage. But which price? Which acres? Should we use the total price or should we first subtract out the value of buildings, personal property, ancillary property, or machinery to get closer to the "true" land price? In this article (and on the MLE Web site), I choose to follow conventions established years ago in Minnesota. I report the time- and terms-adjusted total sales price, minus the value of personal property, divided by the entire acreage of the parcel. That's why, when I'm being careful, I speak of the average price of farm real estate, not of farm land . Employing the Data The sales reported here are only those recorded between October 1, 1999, and September 30, 2000. These "record year 2000" sales are so bundled because of the way real estate transactions are used to help local assessors value land for property tax purposes. Strange as it may seem, the Department of Revenue does not collect sales data merely to satisfy the data cravings of University economists like me. No, statewide sales data are collected principally to create statistics that are used to "equalize" property tax valuations across county boundaries. Each year, county assessors are required to assign an estimated market value (EMV) to each of the thousands of real estate parcels in the county. The estimate is supposed to be based on an examination of similar properties that were actually sold recently. (The combined valuations for each township, city, or county are the source of the Land Values--in contrast to the Farmland Sales--data on the MLE Web site.) Because every county has its own assessor who uses largely independent valuation procedures, there are inevitably discontinuities across county lines--even for adjacent properties. Farmer Brown wonders why Farmer Olson's land, just across the fence line in the next county, carries an assessed value that is lower by $200 per acre. The state has created an equalization procedure that is supposed to smooth over such discontinuities. Assuming that nearby properties really would sell for similar prices, any observed difference in assessed values for otherwise similar properties is presumed to be evidence that one or both of the assessors is either undervaluing (that is, assigning an EMV that is too low) or overvaluing properties. To test this, the state calculates a sales ratio (the EMV divided by sales price) for every property sold in a particular area. If an assessor systematically undervalues properties (shown by sales ratios that are consistently lower than some threshold), the state might demand the EMVs in that jurisdiction be uniformly raised, to better accord with what is thought to be "true" market conditions. How Accurate Are the EMVs? We can see for ourselves how close the final assessor estimates are by comparing actual sales prices against the previous year's estimated market values for the same property (figure 2). Each point in the figure represents one sale. For example, the rightmost point is for a property that was estimated to have a value of $4,900 per acre, but actually sold for only $2,900 per acre. While some of the estimates are obviously way off (like this example), the bulk are pretty close. In most cases, the EMV was lower than the sale price, but in a neatly predictable manner. A simple one-variable regression model, shown as the straight line in the figure, accounts for nearly 75 percent of the observed variation in farm real estate sales prices. Parting Thoughts What accounts for the ever-onward-and-upward movement of average farm real estate prices in Minnesota? We need only to round up the usual suspects, most of which I have discussed at length in previous issues of MAE . These include 1) perennial farmer optimism about future crop and livestock prices, 2) expected extensions of federal farm subsidy programs, 3) continued favorable local property tax treatment for farmland, 4) the desire of some farmers to increase the size of their current operation by buying adjacent farmland, 5) the desire of some non-farm buyers to use land as a hedge against inflation, and 6) inflation itself. An additional suspect that we need to add is the increasing prominence of location even in rural land markets. We simply can't explain current price levels on the basis of income potential (including subsidies) and speculation potential alone. Clearly, where the land sits with respect to job centers and what it looks like is influencing the price buyers are willing to pay for a particular parcel of land. As always, I caution potential land buyers and sellers about reading too much into the average land prices reported here and elsewhere. If you've got land to sell or if you have a hankering to buy land--look before you leap. The financial stakes are too high for casual empiricism. Hire an appraiser. Talk with your spouse. Check your finances. Think about the children. Be careful out there! Steven J. Taff is an associate professor and extension economist with the Department of Applied Economics at the University of Minnesota. Return to Minnesota Ag Economist Newsletter Index Page University of Minnesota Extension Service HomePage



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